Sunday, August 12, 2012

अन्न सुरक्षेचा गंभीर प्रश्न


वृंदा करात

डाव्या पक्षांनी अन्नसुरक्षेच्या मजबुतीसाठी सार्वजनिक वितरण व्यवस्थेचे सार्वत्रिकीकरण व्हावे यासाठी अतिशय योग्यवेळी देशव्यापी संघर्षाची हाक दिलेली आहे, कारण लक्ष्याधारित एपीएल/बीपीएल पद्धतीमुळे देशातील अन्नसुरक्षा धोक्यात आलेली आहे. गेली दोन वर्षे देशात अन्नधान्याचे उत्पादन व साठवण भरपूर झालेले आहे. सार्वजनिक वितरण व्यवस्था लक्ष्याधारित न ठेवताही धान्यवितरण करून पुरेसा राखीव साठा आज राहू शवेत्र्ल एवढे उत्पान आज झालेले आहे. खरेतर या वर्षी उत्पादनात झालेल्या या तीन टक्के वाढीचा फायदा उठवत देशासमोर उभ्या असलेल्या वुत्र्पोषणाच्या प्रश्नाला यशस्वीपणे सामोरे जाण्याची संधी मिळाली होती. परंतु नवउदारवादी धोरणांच्या चौकटीमुळे उत्पादन आणि साठवणूक क्षमता यातील तफावत हीच एक समस्या बनून गेलेली आहे.

एका बाजूला भूक आणि वुत्र्पोषण यांचे लाजिरवाणे चित्र तर दुसर्‍या बाजूला साठवणूक क्षमता कमी असल्याने उघड्यावर पडून वुत्र्जत चाललेले धान्य कसे वाचवायचे याबद्दल सरकारच्या मंत्र्यांची लाजिरवाणी चर्चा! ३० एप्रिलला पंतप्रधान, वृत्र्षी, अर्थ आणि अन्ना मंत्री आणि नियोजन मंडळाचे अधिकारी यांची एक बैठक होऊन त्यात हा प्रश्न कसा सोडवायचा यावर चर्चा करण्यात आल्याची बातमी आहे. ज्या देशात जगातील सर्वात जास्त वुत्र्पोषित लोक आहेत त्या देशात हा प्रश्न सोडवण्यासाठी एवढ्या उच्चस्तरीय चर्चेची गरजच काय? धान्याचा कोटा वाढवून देत जनतेला कमी दरात धान्य उपलब्ध करून देणे हा एकमेव तोडगा या समस्येवर असू शकतो. बीपीएल/एपीएलचा कोटा वाढवून तो दुप्पट करावा आणि एपीएलची विंत्र्मत कमी करून जुना शिल्लक साठा संपवून गोदामे रब्बीच्या धान्यसाठ्यासाठी रिकामी करावीत अशी अन्ना मंत्रालयाची सूचना आहे. संसदीय स्थायी समितीकडे अन्न मंत्रालयाच्या अधिकार्‍यांनी १.०६ लाख कोटी रुपयांची मागणी वेत्र्लेली होती. ही मागणी २०१२-१३ साठी जो आंजपत्रकीय वाटा देण्यात आलेला आहे त्यापेक्षा ३०,००० कोटी रुपयांनी जास्त होती. पण ती मान्य करण्यात आलेली नाही.

उलटपक्षी बडे भांडवली शेतकरी आणि सरकारमध्ये बसलेले वृत्र्षीव्यापार प्रतिनिधी अशी मागणी करीत आहेत की, शेतकर्‍याला अनुदानाद्वारे प्रोत्साहित करणार्‍या निर्यातीवरील बंधने उठवा. शेतकर्‍याला ग्राहकाविरोधात उभे करण्याचा हा जाणीवपूर्वक प्रयत्न आहे ज्याचा फायदा श्रीमंत शेतकरी आणि बड्या व्यापार्‍यांनाच होणार आहे. उदाहरणासाठी फार दुरच्या काळात जाण्याची गरज नाही. अगदी अलिकडील २००८-२००९ मधील साखरेचे उदाहरण घेता येईल. त्यावेळेस साखरेची कृत्रिम टंचाई निर्माण वेत्र्ली गेली आणि साखरेच्या आयातीवर आणि निर्यातीवरही अनुदाने लाटत साखर वंत्र्पन्यांनी प्रचंड नफा कमावला आणि ग्राहकाला मात्र शंभर रुपये किलोने साखर घ्यावी लागली. २००६-२००७ मध्ये गहू शेतकर्‍यांकडून जाणीवपूर्वक गोळा वेत्र्ला गेला नाही. खाजगी व्यापार्‍यांनी शेतकर्‍याकडून किमान भावापेक्षा थोड्याशा जास्त भावाने गहू खरेदी वेत्र्ला. अखेर सरकारला भारतीय शेतकर्‍याला जो भाव दिला जात होता त्यापेक्षा कितीतरी चढा भाव देत गहू आयात करावा लागला. त्यामुळे सरकारी तिजोरीला तोटा सोसावा लागला. त्यावेळेसही बड्या शेतकर्‍यांनी आणि व्यापार्‍यांनी भरपूर नफा कमावला. निर्यातीवरची बंधने उठविल्यामुळे छोट्या शेतकर्‍यांना अजिबात फायदा होत नाही. बहुसंख्य शेतकरी कर्जात आवंत्र्ठ बुडालेले आहेत. स्वामीनाथन कमिशनने शिफारस वेत्र्लेल्या किमान आधारभूत विंत्र्मतीचा पाया आहे एवूत्र्ण उत्पादन खर्च अधिक ५० टक्के नफा. ही आधारभूत विंत्र्मत जर संपुआ सरकारने मान्य वेत्र्ली तरच शेतकर्‍याला काहीतरी दिलासा मिळेल.

दुसरी एक सूचना आहे पूर्वी ज्याप्रमाणे कामासाठी अन्न या कार्यक्रमाखाली पगाराचा काही भाग धान्याच्या स्वरूपात मिळत होता त्याप्रमाणे मनरेगा कामगाराला त्याच्या पगाराचा काही भाग धान्याच्या स्वरूपात द्यावा. मनरेगा कामगारांबाबत वेंत्र्द्र सरकारची वर्तणूक अतिशय विसंगत असल्याचे लक्षात घेऊन आम्ही मागणी करीत होतो कशाला प्राधान्य द्यायचे याची निवड राज्य सरकारने करावी. कारण एका बाजूला वेंत्र्द्र सरकार धान्य देण्याऐवजी रक्कम बँक खात्यातून देण्याला प्राधान्य देत आहे. म्हणजे वेंत्र्द्र सरकारला वाटत आहे जनतेने रेशन दुकानातून धान्याऐवजी रोख रक्कम घ्यावी आणि कामाच्या ठिकाणावर जनतेने रोख रकमेऐवजी धान्य स्वीकारावे. कार्यक्रमाना चमकवण्यात हे सरकार पटाईत आहे.

सरकारचा सध्याचा पेचप्रसंग आकड्यात दाखवता येईल. प्रत्येक मोसमातल्या मागणीनुसार वर्षाच्या प्रत्येक तिमाहीत किती राखीव साठा असावा याचेप्रमाण निर्धारित करण्यात आलेले आहे. ते खालील तक्त्यात दिले आहे.

महिना
तांदूळ (टन)
गहू (टन)
एकूण (लाखात)
१ एप्रिल
122
40
162
१ जून
98
171
269
१ ऑक्टोबर
52
100
152
१ जानेवारी
118
82
200

गेल्या दोन वर्षापासून हे साठे गरजेपेक्षा खूपच जास्त आहेत. उदाहरणार्थ, जानेवारी २०१० मध्ये हा साठा ४७४.४५ टन होता. म्हणजे निर्धारित प्रमाणापेक्षा तो १३७ टक्क्यांनी जास्त होता. एप्रिल २०१२ मध्ये तो ५४५ लाख टन म्हणजे २३६ टक्क्यांनी निर्धारित प्रमाणापेक्षा जास्त होता. चांगले रब्बी पीक, विक्रमी साठवणूक यामुळे या वर्षी हा साठा ७०० लाख टनापर्यंत जाईल. जागतिक बाजारपेठेतील धान्याच्या विंत्र्मती कोसळल्याने बडे शेतकरी आणि व्यापारी यांचा निर्यातीवरील बंधनांबाबतचा आरडाओरडा बंद होता. पण आंतरराष्ट्रीय विंत्र्मतीत वाढ होण्याची शक्यता एफएओने वर्तवल्याने ही मंडळी आता कार्यरत झालेली आहेत. धान्य साठवणुकीचा प्रश्न पुढे करीत साठे कमी करायला भाग पाडायचे हे यांचे मुख्य उद्दिष्ट आहे. एकदाका निर्यातीवरची बंधने उठली की या बाजारी करामतखोरांचा अंमल चालू होईल.

अशीच परिस्थिती २००२-२००३ मध्ये निर्माण झाली होती. त्यावेळेस भाजपच्या नेतृत्वाखालील सरकार होते. ऑक्टोबर २००२ मध्ये तांदळाचा साठा होता १५६ लाख टन, राखीव साठ्याच्या निर्धारित साठ्यापेक्षा खूप जास्त. त्यावेळीही अशीच धान्य साठ्याच्या नाशाविषयीची मोहीम जोरात चालू करण्यात आली. मात्र हे जास्तीचे धान्यसाठे सार्वजनिक वितरण व्यवस्थेकडे न वळविता विंत्र्वा भारतीय ग्राहकांपर्यंत न पोहोचवता भाजप सरकारने हे साठे बड्या व्यापार्‍यांना बीपीएल विंत्र्मतीत उचलू देऊन निर्यातीला परवानगी दिली व प्रचंड नफे कमावण्याची संधी मिळवून दिली. वर्षभरातच तांदळाचे साठे पुन्हा राखीव साठ्याच्या निर्धारित मर्यादेखाली  आणले गेले. विंत्र्मती वाढविण्यासाठी टंचाई निर्माण वेत्र्ली गेली.

धान्य साठवणूक करण्यासाठी जागा नाही ह्या ओरड्याचे रूपांतर आता बड्या शेतकर्‍यांच्या आणि व्यापार्‍यांच्या निर्यात मागणीत वेत्र्ले जाईल. त्याचप्रमाणे राज्य सरकारच्या संस्थानी शेतकर्‍यांकडून धान्य गोळा करू नये यासाठीही वेत्र्ले जाईल. आपल्याला हवी असलेली विंत्र्मत जोपर्यंत मिळत नाही तोपर्यंत धान्याचा साठा खुला न करण्याइतकी क्षमता बड्या व्यापार्‍यांकडे असते. भविष्यात टंचाई निर्माण व्हावी ज्यामुळे धान्याच्या विंत्र्मतीत वाढ होईल अशीच परिस्थिती निर्माण वेत्र्ली जाते.

याचा अर्थ असा नव्हे की धान्य साठवणुकीची काहीच समस्या नाही. संसदेत अनेक वेळा आश्र्वासन देऊनही सरकार धान्य साठवणुकीची क्षमता लक्षणीयरित्या वाढवण्यात अपयशी ठरले आहे. ही सरकारच्या दृष्टीने अतिशय लाजिरवाणी गोष्ट आहे. अन्नसचिवांनी दिलेल्या माहितीप्रमाणे पुढील काही महिन्यांत साठवणुकीची ही क्षमता १०० लाख टनांनी कमी पडणार आहे. विविध योजनांद्वारे खाजगी क्षेत्राला सवलती देण्याचे सरकारचे धोरण आहे. पण संसदीय समितीचा अहवाल अस्वस्थ करणारे चित्र उभे करतो. अन्न महामंडळाच्या गोदामांची क्षमता जून २००९ ते पेत्र्ब्रुवारी २०१२ या काळात फक्त एक लाख टनांनी वाढलेली आहे आणि महामंडळाने खाजगी गोदामातून आणखी ५० लाख टन धान्य साठवणुकीची व्यवस्था वेत्र्लेली आहे.

लाखो लोक उपाशी असताना धान्य वुत्र्जू देणे हा नैतिक गुन्हा आहेच. पण खरा प्रश्न आहे ह्या प्रश्नाच्या सोडवणुकीसाठी कोणता मार्ग सर्वात विवेकी आणि सामाजिकदृष्ट्या योग्य आहे? काही लोक मागणी करत आहेत त्याप्रमाणे निर्यातीस परवानगी देण्याचा, की सार्वजनिक वितरण व्यवस्थेच्या कोट्यात वाढ करून त्या व्यवस्थेत जास्तीत जास्त वुत्र्टुंबांना सामावून घेत सार्वत्रिक वितरणव्यवस्थेकडे वाटचाल करण्याचा?

सध्या चर्चेत असलेला हा धान्य उत्पादनाचा, धान्य गोळा करण्याचा आणि धान्य साठवणुकीचा मुद्दा अन्न सुरक्षेच्या दृष्टीने धोक्याचा कंदील  आहे. संसदेत येणार्‍या साद्यस्थितीतल्या दोषपूर्ण अन्न सुरक्षा विधेयकात सुधारणा घडवून ३५ किलो धान्य २ रुपये किलो दराने देत सार्वत्रिक अन्न सुरक्षेची हमी देणारे विधेयक आणण्यासाठी व्यापक आणि प्रखर संघर्ष उभारण्याची संधी आजच्या परिस्थितीने आपल्याला दिलेली आहे. ही संधी तातडीने साधण्याची गरज ग्राहक आणि शेतकरी या दोघांनाही आहे.


Monday, June 25, 2012

Drought in Maharashtra: Massive Mobilisation of 33,000 Rural Poor

Ashok Dhawale


Responding to the call of the CPI (M) Maharashtra state committee, over 33,000 rural poor comprising mainly peasants and agricultural workers held demonstrations on district collectorates and tehsil offices in 19 districts of the state on May 14, 2012. The vital issue taken up was that of the severe drought currently stalking Maharashtra and the utter insensitivity of the Congress-NCP-led state government in dealing with this issue affecting crores of people and also lakhs of cattle.

In Chandwad


GENESIS OF CHRONIC DROUGHT   

After dithering for weeks, in the beginning of May the state government finally admitted that 7753 villages in 15 districts were drought-affected. As always, this was also a gross underestimate, based on the ridiculously false ‘paisewari’ estimates of crop produce that are still based on the crop production criteria set up during the British colonial era!

Today, the situation in thousands of villages is grave. There is great scarcity and even complete absence of drinking water. Wells have run dry. Dams and reservoirs are depleted. There is lack of adequate fodder for cattle. Maharashtra is one of the worst states in the country so far as the implementation of MNREGA is concerned. Last year in 17 districts not even a single man day of work was provided. The wage paid is a pittance. The public distribution system is in shambles and is riddled with corruption and black-marketeering. To add to the woes of the drought-hit, load-shedding of power has increased to the tune of 12 to 16 hours a day in the rural areas.

In Jawhar


Drought is by no means a new phenomenon in Maharashtra. It recurs every three to four years. The number of tehsils that were earlier declared to be chronically drought-prone was 87. This figure has now crossed the 100 mark. Beyond setting up several Irrigation Commissions one after the other, successive state governments – be they of the Congress, Shiv-Sena-BJP or Congress-NCP - have done nothing. None of the recommendations of these Irrigation Commissions have been implemented.

For instance, some of these Commissions had said that with optimum utilization of both groundwater and surface water resources, 45 per cent of the land under cultivation could have been brought under irrigation. But what is the actual situation? As per the Economic Survey of Maharashtra 2011-12, when the state of Maharashtra was formed in 1960, 6.5 per cent of the cultivated area was under irrigation. It rose very gradually to 8.4 per cent in 1970-71, 12.3 per cent in 1980-81, 15.2 per cent in 1990-91, 17.8 per cent in 2000-01, and just 17.9 per cent in 2010-11. Dry land agriculture over 82 per cent of the area in the state has been suffering immensely as a result. It must be noted that the cultivated land under irrigation in India as a whole is 45.3 per cent.

In Parbhani


The nadir was reached in the last ten years. As part of the running battle between the Congress and the NCP (the NCP has long held the Irrigation portfolio in the state), chief minister Prithviraj Chavan declared recently that after spending Rs 70,000 crore on irrigation in the last ten years, the proportion of irrigated land increased by only 0.1 per cent. He announced that a White Paper on the issue would be published. This led to a war of words between both the parties in the ruling alliance.

Another significant issue concerns the massive escalation of irrigation expenses. The Irrigation Commissions in the early 1960s had opined that with an expense of 1,300 crore rupees, 30 per cent of the land could have been brought under irrigation by 1980. Today the chief minister says that a sum of 77,000 crore rupees would be required for the completion of incomplete projects! Needless to say, a significant part of this cost escalation is directly related to rising corruption at all levels. Now the rulers say that since such massive outlays are not possible, priority would be given to water conservation schemes. Nothing stopped them from doing so for the last several decades.

The third issue is the completely skewed nature of the distribution of irrigated water. It is well known that sugarcane is a water-guzzling crop. It is equally well known that Maharashtra is ruled by an alliance of the big bourgeoisie and the sugar lobby, predominantly from Western Maharashtra. As Kumar Shiralkar wrote recently in the CPI(M) state committee weekly ‘Jeevanmarg’: “In 1950, 45 per cent of irrigation water went to sugarcane. This rose to 60 per cent in 1987. In the last ten years, although Rs 70,000 crore spent on irrigation has come to naught, in 2011 the proportion of irrigation water going to sugarcane has reached 70 per cent. Today the average amount of water in the dams in the state is 23 per cent. In Vidarbha it is only 12 per cent. In 12 dams it is zero. In the medium and small irrigation projects it is between 11 to 15 per cent. It is in such a grim situation that 70 per cent of irrigation water is being given to cane, which occupies only 4.5 per cent of the cropped area.”

In Solapur


The last issue concerns the neo-liberal prescription - privatization of water resources and diversion of water to the rich in the cities and to SEZs, at the expense of the countryside. As a major step towards privatization, the Maharashtra Water Resources Bill was hurriedly passed and in 2005, the Maharashtra Water Resources Regulatory Authority was set up. Since the state government claims that it has no money to set up or complete irrigation projects, the policy of allowing private players in this sector began in right earnest, with all the attendant ill-effects on water-users.

Simultaneously, a drive began to divert scarce water resources from the rural areas to the uncontrolled expansion of the cities to cater to the interests of the builder lobby, and to SEZs. It was this same drive that led last year to the peasant resistance and police firing at Maval in Pune district, which killed three farmers, including a woman. It is now proposed to build as many as ten dams by displacing thousands of Adivasis and others from several villages in the Thane and Raigad districts adjoining Mumbai. Thane district, which has some of the largest dams and water reservoirs in the state, has only 2 per cent of irrigated land and there is great scarcity even of drinking water in several tribal-dominated tehsils.

On the other hand, it has been reported that Mukesh Ambani’s new 27-storey residence ‘Antilia’ in Mumbai, built at a cost of Rs 9,000 crore, is provided 60 lakh litres of water per month! While most of the state is in darkness due to power load-shedding (which is itself a direct result of the power privatization policy of the ruling classes that led to the Enron fiasco, and is now being compounded by the Jaitapur nuclear power project drive), the monthly electricity bill of this modern-day Ambani palace is to the tune of Rs 70 lakh! This is only one instance amongst many in Mumbai.

STRUGGLE AGAINST DROUGHT

The CPI(M) Maharashtra state committee, which met on April 29, decided to launch an independent struggle on the issue of drought with two objectives in mind. The first was, of course, to ensure that immediate relief in the form of drinking water, employment, ration grain and fodder reached the people and their cattle. Towards this end, a charter of demands was prepared by the state committee. The second was to highlight the bankrupt ruling class policies briefly outlined above that had led to plunging the state in a chronic drought situation over the last several decades.

In Talasari


The two districts where the biggest mass actions were held were Thane and Nashik districts. Over 12,000 people stormed 7 tehsil offices in Thane district and over 11,000 people stormed 9 tehsil offices in Nashik district. In Thane district, the people gheraoed government offices in four tehsil centres and did not move until the authorities gave written assurances on their demands. At Igatpuri in Nashik district, over 500 people blocked the Mumbai-Agra National Highway.

In the Akole tehsil of Ahmednagar district, which hosted the Party state conference in March, over 3,000 people were mobilized in several village level actions. In the South Solapur tehsil of Solapur district, over 2000 people led a road blockade. In Parbhani district, a 1500-strong demonstration marched to the district collectorate. In Hatkanangale in Kolhapur district, a 1000-strong demonstration was held. In Nandurbar district, road blockades were organized in four tehsils, and nearly 400 people were arrested.

Similar actions took place in districts like Nanded, Beed, Jalna, Aurangabad, Hingoli, Amravati, Buldana, Jalgaon, Satara, Sangli and Raigad districts. Special mention must be made of demonstrations held by the Party in the urban centres like Mumbai, Nashik, Jalna and Aurangabad, where the working class raised the demand of the peasantry for drought relief. The actions in Solapur, Kolhapur and Parbhani districts also mobilized the working class along with the peasantry. In Pune, a Convention on Water was organized by left and secular parties.

All these mass actions succeeded in wresting concessions and immediate action from the government authorities for drought relief. Most of these actions were well covered by both print and electronic media, some of whom reported that it was only the CPI(M) among all other political parties in the state that took up concerted cudgels against the severe drought situation in the state.

Friday, February 24, 2012

राज्य सरकारचे शेतकरी पॅकेज ही शेतकर्‍यांची घोर फसवणूक


राज्य सरकारने नागपूरच्या हिवाळी अधिवेशनात शेतकर्‍यांकरिता २००० कोटी रुपयांचे पॅकेज जाहीर केले. ही शेतकर्‍यांची घोर फसवणूक आहे. यामुळे शेतकर्‍यांची आर्थिक स्थिती सुधारणारही नाही व आत्महत्या थांबणार नाहीत. शेतमालाला उत्पान खर्चाप्रमाणे दर ठरवून तसे हमीर राज्य शासनाने जाहीर करावे व बाजारपेठेत ते दर मिळतील अशी व्यवस्था केर्ल्याशिवाय ग्रामीण अर्थव्यवस्था दुरुस्त होणार नाही व शेतकरी सुखी होणार नाही. कापसाचा हमीर शेतीमालाचा वाढलेला खर्च पाहता प्रति क्विंटल ७००० रुपये पाहिजे. मात्र बाजारपेठेत आज ४००० रुपये प्रति क्विंटलपेक्षा कमी आहे. उलट कापड गिरणी मालकांना स्वस्त रात कापूस मिळावा म्हणून कापसाचे निर्यातीवर केत्र्द्र सरकारने बंधी घातली. त्याचप्रमाणे कांदा उत्पाक  शेतकर्‍यांना भाव मिळू नये यासाठी कांदा निर्यातीवरही बंधने घातली. त्यामुळे नाशिकचा कांदा बाजारपेठेत का्यांचे भाव २/ रु. प्रति किलोपर्यत गडगडले. मागील हा वर्षांत शेतीला लागणारे बियाणे, रासायनिक खते, मजुरी, जनावरांचा चारा, वीजबिल, आी कित्येक पटीने वाढले. आज त्याप्रमाणात शेतमालाचे हमीर वाढले नाहीत. ही शेतकर्‍यांची शोकांतिका आहे.

मागील हा वर्षांत राज्य शासनाचे कृषी विभागात कार्यरत सर्व कर्मचारी, अधिकारी यांचे वेतन पाचवे व सहावे वेतन वाढीनुसार मोठ्या प्रमाणात वाढवले. हेच कर्मचारी शेतकर्‍यांना शेती कशी नफ्यात आणावी यासाठी सल्ला देतात. शासनाच्या विविध योजना राबवतात. खुद्द राज्याच्या कृषी मंत्र्यांचे रमहा मिळणारे वेतन हा वर्षांत ५ पटीने वाढले. मग शेतकर्‍यांच्या शेतमालाचे र का वाढविले जात नाहीत ?

वारंवार मिळणारे शेतकरी पॅकेज ही एक तात्पुरती मलमपट्टी असून यामुळे शेतकरी आत्महत्या थांबणार नाहीत. कायम स्वरूपी इलाजासाठी व ग्रामीण अर्थव्यवस्था सुधारण्यासाठी शेतीमालाला वाढत्या महागाईच्या निर्देशकाप्रमाणे दरवर्षी हमीर वाढवून देणे गरजेचे आहे. त्या दरांत सरकारने खरेदी सुरू करणे गरजेचे आहे. शेतकरी पॅकेज ही शेतकर्‍यांची घोर फसवणूक आहे.

असे मत महाराष्ट्र राज्य किसान सभेचे यशवंत झाडे, संजय भोयर, मारोतराव तलमले, हरिश्चंद्र तेलरांधे यांनी प्रसिद्ध  वेत्र्लेल्या पत्रकात व्यक्त वेत्र्ले आहे.

Friday, December 30, 2011

एफ डी अई: विनाशकाले विपरीध बुद्धी (पूर्वार्ध)

(मार्क्सवादी कम्म्युनिस्ट पक्षाच्या पुस्तिकेचा पहिला भाग या अंकात प्रकाशित करीत आहोत)

(Click to enlarge page 1)

(Click to enlarge page 2)

(Click to enlarge page 3)

This is a part of the document; the full document can be read in English at http://www.cpim.org/documents/2011-Dec-FDI-Retail.pdf.

Friday, August 19, 2011

Comrade M. K. Pandhe passes away


Communist Party of India-Marxist (CPI-M) politburo member and long-time President of CITU, Comrade M.K. Pandhe died at the Ram Manohar Lohia hospital in New Delhi a little after midnight on Friday following a cardiac arrest. He was 86.

Comrade Pandhe was admitted to the hospital around 8 p.m. after he complained of chest pain. His end came at 12.20 a.m. Saturday.

Born July 11, 1925 in Pune, Pandhe joined the undivided Communist Party in 1943 and rose through the ranks to become a secretary of the All India Trade Union Congress (AITUC), a trade union wing, in 1966.

He joined the CPI-M after the division of the Communist Party in 1965 and was elected secretary of the Centre of Indian Trade Unions (CITU) in 1970.

He was elected to the CPI-M central committee in 1978 and took over as CITU general secretary in 1990.

Pandhe, a PhD from Pune's Gokhale Institute of Politics and Economics, became a CPI-M politburo member in 1998. A year later he became the CITU president.

A brief life history below:
  • Born on July 11, 1925 at Pune, Maharashtra
  • M.A (Pune University), Ph.D from Gokhale Institute of Politics and Economics, Pune.
  • Joined the Communist Party in 1943
  • Secretary Solapur Students Union (1943)
  • Went Underground during 1948-51 for 27 months
  •  Elected Secretary Solapur City Committee of CPI
  • Elected Secretary Goa Vimochan Samity, Sholapur Branch in 1955
  • Joined Central office of AITUC in 1958 and Elected Secretary in 1966
  • In-charge Parliamentary Party office from 1964 to 1969
  • Went underground for 14 months during 1965-66
  • Coopted into the underground CC after arrest of leadership
  • Elected Secretary CITU in 1970
  • Elected to the Central Committee in 1978 At the Jalandhar Congress
  • Elected CITU General Secretary in 1990
  • Elected to the Polit Bureau in 1998 at the Kolkata Congress
  • Elected President of CITU in 1999

Wednesday, August 17, 2011

Maharashtra: Police firing at Maval kills three peasants

Shubha Shamim

On August 9, 1942, our people declared at the August Kranti Maidan in Mumbai that the British should Quit India. This day was later named ‘Kranti Din’. Many struggles are taken up on that day every year to commemorate the events of 1942. On the same day this year, when the peasants from the Maval tehsil of Pune district called for a ‘Maval Bandh’, little did they know that they would be facing the police of their own country, who would be transformed into their predecessors from the times before Independence!


The Maval tehsil situated in the Western Ghats is known for its heavy rains and hilly, green terrain. The region is also known for numerous dams – some built by private companies and used for their (proposed) hydro electric power projects, and some by the government primarily for irrigation and drinking purposes. These have been built over the period of the last century in different decades. Despite the time span one experience remains common for the local peasants – that they are promised compensation, alternative land, jobs, water and rehabilitation. But the promises remain unfulfilled after their land is snatched. There are instances where the people have not got any rehabilitation packages even after 40 years.

Take the example of the Pavana dam, around the water of which the current agitation was centred. Built in 1971, it took the lands from peasants of 40 villages along with their homes and livelihoods. Many of the displaced came to settle in the adjoining plains in the same tehsil. Each family was given three to four guntha of land for their housing (1 guntha is approximately 1000 square feet). Some of the people affected by the private dams were not given land even for housing. The compensation paid was paltry and many were forcibly evicted. They became landless labourers and worked in the farms, poultries or factories that came up in the region. Some of them migrated to Mumbai or Pune, worked hard for years and bought back some of the Maval land and they started cultivating on the waters of the same Pavana river. 


This second generation of peasants had to face similar eviction all over again in the 1990s when the land they had bought through their own hard labour had to be parted with for the Mumbai-Pune Expressway. Now it is the turn of the third generation to sacrifice all over again for so-called ‘development’. They were again threatened by the authorities that they would have to part with some of their remaining land along with the water they were using from the Pavana dam to quench the thirst of their land. The state government was proposing to take the major share of the water to the Pimpri-Chinchwad industrial township adjoining Pune in a closed pipeline. The idea of a closed pipeline was to ensure that the farmers should not avail of any water of the Pavana dam, whether by way of the run off after the dam or the water that percolates and is used through wells at the banks of open canals. Besides this, their land would also be taken for the pipeline.

This is the story of Shamrao Tupe (killed by the Pune police on August 9, 2011) and many others like him. Evictions without any compensation from generation to generation, over and over again.

The issue of denying water to the rural people and giving it to cities for drinking or for industries is a delicate issue. There has to be a balance between the two and it should be done in a democratic and participatory way. In this case, the procedure adopted completely lacked transparency and was thoroughly arbitrary and heavy-handed. The farmers were never told how much land they would have to part with, or how much water would be given to the city and how much would be left for them. The unrest had been brewing for the past three years. The last straw came when, without taking the people into confidence, earth moving vehicles were brought into Baur village and the work of digging was started by the administration. The people reacted by giving a call for Maval bandh and a Rasta Roko on August 9 by an All Party Agitation Committee of Maval.

On the fateful day people gathered on the Mumbai-Pune Expressway near Baur village and set up a road-block. A public meeting was held at the spot. Just when the programme was coming to an end the police tried to grab the local leaders who were in the midst of giving a speech. The people at first tried to reason with the police and said that they would disperse within ten minutes – and the police was well aware of this. But they pulled two local leaders Eknath Tile and Dnyaneshwar Dalvi and tried to drag them away. Naturally the people resisted and tried to prevent the police from arresting their leaders. Instead of trying to disperse the people with standard procedures like lathi charge, tear gas etc, most shockingly the police did the most gruesome thing and fired at people from close range – that too directly at the neck and chest and not below the waist. Three people died on the spot and 18 were injured by the bullets. Kanta Thakar of village Yelase, Moreshwar Sathe of Shivane and Shamrao Tupe of Sadawali lost their lives on the spot. But the police were not satisfied only with the firing. The police who are supposed to control riots, vented their ire by indulging in a mindless rampage, smashing the vehicles standing by. The shocking actions of the Pune rural police, recorded by live television, press photographers and other civilians, have sent shock waves through not just Maval or Pune, but through people from across the country.


VISIT OF CPI(M) DELEGATION

On August 12, a state level delegation of the CPI(M) visited all the three villages of the martyrs and the hospitals where the injured peasants were admitted. A press conference was held in the evening at Pune where the Party’s stand was put forth. The members of the team were: Dr Ashok Dhawale, State Secretary, CPI(M); Rajaram Ozare, MLA, CPI(M); J P Gavit, ex-MLA, CPI(M) and State President, AIKS; Ajit Abhyankar, State Secretariat member and Pune District Secretary, CPI(M): Kiran Moghe, State President, AIDWA; Shubha Shamim, State General Secretary, Anganwadi Karmachari Sanghatana (CITU); Kisan Gujar, State General Secretary, AIKS; Rajan Kshirsagar, State General Secretary, AIAWU; Adv Milind Sahasrabuddhe, Pune district committee member, CPI(M); Mahendra Thorat, District Secretary, Pune AIKS; Siddharthya Roy – Joint Secretary, Pune DYFI; Anita Kute, Anganwadi worker, Kamshet, Maval; Sunita Joshi, Anganwadi worker, Kamshet, Maval; Mangal Kalekar, Anganwadi worker, Yelase, Maval and four local Anganwadi workers.

The visits to the three villages Yelase, Shivane and Sadawali were facilitated by the Anganwadi workers who are close relatives of some of the victims of the police firing and many of them are themselves affected by various projects.

Kanta Thakar’s village – Yelase

The team met the husband, the son and the brothers of Kanta Thakar. Kanta’s son was an eye witness to the firing and narrated the incident. He said, “People were staging a dharna on the Expressway and nobody indulged in any violence – it was never on the agenda. Trouble started when Eknath Tile was being pulled away by the police and the police refused to be reasonable. When the police got violent many crossed the fence and started to go away from the road including myself and my mother – who was approximately six feet ahead of me. She turned around to see whether I was coming or not, and the moment she turned, a bullet hit her on the chest and she fell.” He also said that when they got his mother’s body after the post mortem, the police had decamped with all the ornaments that she was wearing, including her mangalsutra!

Kanta Thakar’s anguished brother trained his guns on the political leaders and asked “Where were the leaders who had given a call of Maval Bandh at the time of the Rasta Roko? It was an all party call and the leaders were supposed to be there, but no big leader turned up. Except for Dnyaneshwar Dalvi and Eknath Tile nobody was present. People are asking now why Sanjay Bhegade the BJP MLA of Maval did not turn up for the protest, although it was he who had appealed to the people to gather there. He had arranged the vehicles for people in the villages to go to the spot of protest but he himself was not to be seen!”

Moreshwar Sathe’s village – Shivane

At the time of the visit nearly the whole village had gathered to console Ranjanabai Sathe, the widow of Moreshwar Sathe, whom the police had murdered brutally. Many of the villagers were present at the spot and all of them narrated the ghastly story unanimously. They said that he did not indulge in any violence at all. He was just participating in the protest and when the police started dispersing them, they all started moving towards the fence so that they could go away. Suddenly the police got hold of Moreshwar Sathe and a couple of others. They tried to push the tall and well-built Sathe inside the police van and they almost managed, but Sathe fought back and they seemed to change their mind and let him go. When Moreshwar Sathe started walking away, they suddenly opened fire, the bullet hit him in the neck and he fell down.

Ranjana Sathe, the widow of Moreshwar is not keeping well for a month and is suffering from jaundice. Moreshwar was looking after his wife and told her on the fateful morning that he had to go with the villagers for the protest, but he would come back soon and take her to the hospital. She waited for him to come back. He never came, but news of a bullet hitting him came first and was followed by the news of his demise. She has not eaten anything since and her sister-in-law has been trying to force-feed her, but to no avail. She has become so fragile that her daughter is worried that they have already lost their father, and may have to face the tragedy of losing their mother as well. The paradox is that Moreshwar was not in the list of affected farmers because he owned only 8 gunthas of land, and that too in a stretch which was not very arable. He and his brother depended solely on daily wage labour, and his brother had migrated to Pimpri for his living.


The villagers discussed the problems they were facing after the firing. Some of them had gone there on their vehicles, but the police damaged their vehicles, seized them and also took the parked vehicles to the police station. The police have threatened that if they go there to claim them, they will book them instead for rioting and causing damage to property. The police have not entered their village, sensing the wrath of the villagers, but they have gone to adjoining villages like Kothurne and have started arresting people at random, picking them up from their homes in a bid to terrorise them and their family members so that they abandon their homes and flee elsewhere, bringing the opposition to an end.

Shamrao Tupe’s village - Sadawali

In Sadawali too, people had gathered to console Housabai (the 22 year-old widow of Shamrao), his brothers and their ailing mother. One of their relatives Anil Bhaguji Tupe was an eyewitness to the horrifying incident and narrated the happenings in detail. He too corroborated the story of Moreshwar Sathe being pushed by the police in the van, thrown out and shot at a point blank range in the neck. The police had caught Anil as well, but he resisted, succeeded in freeing himself, went behind the van, but saw that bullets were fired on the group in which his relatives were trying to get away from the police. He saw his nephew Yogesh Tupe hit by a bullet, so he ran towards him and tried to take him away from the spot. Yogesh was later admitted to hospital and is recovering. Ajit Choudhari and Surekha Kude from the same village were also injured in the police firing and they were admitted to hospital. But Shamrao Tupe was not so lucky. He was shot straight in the neck and died on the spot.

Many are still admitted to hospitals in and around Pune city. The people were agitated that no leader from the Congress or the NCP had turned up to meet the aggrieved family members, neither had any senior or junior government official turned up to enquire after them. The people were afraid that once the ten days of mourning are over, the police will unleash terror in their village. The police would terrorise them so that nobody would dare to participate in any struggle in the future, and thus give impunity to the ruling party politicians in their plans to grab first the water and then the land and use it for commercial purposes.

OBSERVATIONS, CONCLUSIONS AND DEMANDS

The CPI(M) team has made the following observations and has come to the conclusions given below:
  1. The police firing was totally uncalled for and unjustified, since there was no threat to the lives of police personnel that compelled them to open fire. The police could have avoided the firing and resorted to lathi-charge or teargas shelling to disperse the crowd.
  2. Even if we accept for a moment that the police were forced to resort to firing, they clearly violated the police manual that directs them to fire below the waist. In this case the police flouted the rules and fired on the people, chasing them when they were dispersing or standing peacefully in groups.
  3. Police fired from close range on people, which resulted in the death of three, including a woman, and serious injuries to 18.
  4. The police damaged the vehicles parked by the side of the road and resorted to rioting themselves. They also seized the vehicles which were parked at some distance from the spot.
  5. Police have registered cases of attempt to murder and rioting against nearly 1400 people. Now they may arrest anybody they feel like and implicate anybody in these false cases. They have already arrested eight persons and are now searching for the local leaders.
  6. The local people have alleged that the leaders of the ruling NCP, especially Ajit Pawar, Deputy CM and Guardian Minister of Pune district, had instructed the police to break the back of the agitation at any cost and held him responsible for the firing. Without his patronage it would not have been possible for the police to resort to such draconian measures.
  7. The local people have also blamed the leaders of the main opposition party, the BJP, for abdicating their responsibility to lead from the front, due to which the situation worsened. Some of the leaders, including Sanjay Bhegade, the local BJP MLA who had called for the Maval Bandh and Rasta Roko, did not turn up for the event themselves. Had they been present, the situation could have been different.
  8. The people are afraid that, not content with killing their near and dear ones, the police will now terrorise the people and try to demoralise them by implicating them in false cases. The ruling party leaders, especially Ajit Pawar, have stakes in land deals in Pimpri-Chinchwad and other rural areas of Pune district. They do not want any peoples’ struggles against the loss of livelihood, land and water.
  9. The people are agitated and hurt because no ruling party leader or senior government officer has visited the villages to study the situation or pacify the people. They fear that the promise of compensation to the families of the victims of police firing will be forgotten, just like the promises given to their forefathers affected by the dams.
  10. The six constables and two officers who have been suspended are juniors, but the seniormost officer, the District Superintendent of Police Sandip Karnik (who gave the orders for firing and shot at the people himself) has not been held responsible for the firing. He should be strictly penalized.

The same evening, at a jam-packed press conference held in Pune city, state secretary Dr Ashok Dhawale and district secretary Ajit Abhyankar denounced the Congress-NCP state government and its police for the totally unwarranted firing and made the following demands:

  1. The state government should give a compensation of Rs 5 lakh to the next of kin of those killed in the firing, and take responsibility for the education and employment of the children of the deceased.
  2. The state government should give a compensation of Rs 50,000 to Rs 1 lakh to those injured, and pay for the entire medical treatment of all the injured. Right now they are paying for their own treatment.
  3. All police officers and constables responsible for the firing should be removed from service and cases under IPC 302 should be lodged against them.
  4. There should be complete rehabilitation of all those affected by the Pavana dam on a priority basis.
  5. All efforts by the government to take away the right to water of the peasants should be stopped.
  6. An enquiry into all those factories responsible for pollution of the local rivers should be conducted and strict action taken against them.
  7. The greed of the builder lobby in Pimpri Chinchwad, which demands water under the plea of drinking water for the city, should be exposed and curbed.
  8. A meeting of all concerned should be convened to discuss and decide on the water distribution from the Pavana dam. Until this time, the construction of the closed pipeline should be stopped.
  9. All police cases on the agitators should be withdrawn and police repression on, and threats to, the people in the Maval area should be brought to an end.
The AIKS and the CPI(M) has promised all possible help to the affected people, has encouraged them to take forward their struggles for justice and assured them that the Party and its activists will be by their side at all times.